Saturday, April 20, 2024

Beijing and Kabul: an alignment of interests

Raquel Vaz Pinto, Researcher at IPRI-NOVA Uni.

In recent months, Afghanistan has very much been the focus of international media attention. Once again due to what seems to be the sad fate of this people. In fact, when we consider recent decades, media attention seems to have the great powers playing Russian roulette (no irony intended). In the 1970s, the Soviet invasion (in fact, right at the end of 1979) led the United States to support all of the opposition forces; in the 1990s, everybody forgot about these lands until, in 2001, Afghanistan once again jumped onto the front pages and was subject to international intervention that ended… two decades later. In terms of military combat, the Afghans have an unenviable history. Among others, they have seen off the Romans, the Persians and the beginning of the Mongol Empire through to their own formal independence in 1747 and, in a still more dramatic fashion, their resistance to two invasions and occupations by the British Empire in the 19th century that all lend due resonance to its international nickname: “cemetery of empires”.

Returning to 2021, we may again observe a withdrawal that can only be characterised as incompetent and tragic (to keep it polite). Among the many personal stories, the dilemmas for those who believed in a better life and know perfectly well what the return of the Taliban actually means, what empire is going to come along next? The interests of the People’s Republic of China in the Afghan territory are certainly nothing new. If we analyse carefully, we may perceive how there is the capacity and desire to play an important role in this country. However, the alignment of interests between Beijing and Kabul would from the outset seem rather strange where not even impossible: on the one hand, a government with a zealous religious outlook and, on the other hand, a country that takes a militant atheist stance and capped by the Uyghur Muslim concentration camps in the Chinese region of Xinjiang. Such divergence would seem to maintain these poles at a clear distance.

Nevertheless, there is a convergence of internal and external interests that help in understanding the very positive phase in relations between China and Afghanistan. Firstly, the international exit, in particular by the United States, is something that unites Kabul and Beijing beyond their shared border. Secondly, there is a need for investment and financial resources that China might provide and Afghanistan would be grateful to receive and paying back through its natural resources. For Beijing, this is another important piece in the framework and strategic context for the New Silk Road. Thirdly, the regional context is important but for different reasons. In striving for influence in Afghanistan, China lands yet another blow on its neighbour India by thus registering another country where China seems to hold the greatest preponderance. The rivalry between China and India, clearly reflected in the clashes on the border that led to loss of life on both sides in 2020, is one of the key dimensions throughout the region. From the Taliban viewpoint, the undermining of India, thereby favouring Pakistan, is a very welcome outcome. Lastly, we are also talking about two dictatorships that show zero restraint as regards human rights. Furthermore, in the case of China, we refer to a dictatorship with a right of veto on the United Nations Security Council.

However, as History so very well teaches us, it is necessary to express prudence and caution as regards external influences or power over Afghanistan. Doing otherwise is a very costly lesson many have had to digest. In summary, it is better not to overlook the Afghan capacity to resist and deceive those who think they have finally tamed the “cemetery of empires”. 

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